汪晖. 2004. 现代中国思想的兴起. 4 vols. 北京: 生活·读书·新知三联书店. https://book.douban.com/subject/1038736.
Wang, Hui. 2023. The Rise of Modern Chinese Thought. Edited by Michael Gibbs Hill. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. https://doi.org/10.4159/9780674293021.
嘗試新鮮的生產力工具是一件很值得做的事
1. 嘗試新的工具能夠拓展「知」的邊界
2. 拓展知的邊界後,就更有機會知道自己要什麼、不要什麼
假設能夠在嘗試新工具時,持續研究自己好奇的地方,詢問自己的偏好與理由,得到一點結論,慢慢累積起來,一定會非常棒的。因此我認為嘗試新鮮的生產力工具是一件很值得做的事。
https://world.hey.com/mimir/a-letter-from-pj-c7ec139a
如何為人民服務?中國 700 萬公務員的升遷法則
這其中的共性是,每個人都不能把話說得太明白。
不能直言的原因之一是,系統內的大家需要「保持團結」來共同為人民服務,即使身處其中的眾人都清楚這只是浮於淺表層的團結。
為逆天改命、躲過反腐這一「劫難」及獲得更好的升遷,求神拜佛代替共產主義成為公務員的主要精神依託。正所謂「公務員的盡頭是玄學」。
在中國現行的國家制度下,對公務員群體而言,黨紀在國法之上。因此,這一群體只要遵守黨內規則,踐行系統默許的為官之道,黨紀便可以為他們的仕途保駕護航。
在民營企業做會計時,她被同事形容為「沒心沒肺」的人,每天只知道瞎開心。成功當上公務員後,她反而變焦慮了。「事實證明,每個人都是有心有肺的」,她說。
在他眼裡,黨就是一個巨大的幫派組織,具有極大的掌控能力和完全的資源壟斷能力,如果幫派真想找他麻煩,他根本躲不掉,他在意的戶口、社保以及將來的孩子教育都會被波及。
https://theinitium.com/article/20230907-mainland-civil-servants
Ni, Jiaqian, Mengqiao Wang, and Kai Quek. “The Sources of National Pride: Evidence from China and the United States.” Nations and Nationalism (February 9, 2024). https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13007.
National pride relates to nationalism, one of the most powerful forces in modern politics. Many surveys have shown that most citizens are proud of their countries, but few have directly examined the underlying reasons for why people are proud of their countries.
Using parallel national surveys in China and the United States, we investigate the sources and contents of national pride in the two most powerful nation-states in the world.
Our results reveal clear differences between citizens in the two countries. While the sources of American national pride are largely ideational, the sources of Chinese national pride tend to be material.
The evidence provides a first set of insights into the sources of national pride and challenges conventional depictions of nationalism as a monolithic concept.
二零一七年舊文更新:
https://yitianshijie.vercel.app/2017/07/24/open-letter-to-the-academics
橫排版:https://blog.yitianshijie.net/2017/07/24/open-letter-to-the-academics/
Earning respect and trust
If anything, the challenges that science is experiencing now are not due to a lack of success in the laboratory. They are due to a lack of emphasis on other aspects of science—great teaching; communicating; policy-making; and performing the hard intellectual labor of choosing, from the mass of research, those discoveries that deserve publication in a top journal—and then working with authors to make the findings publishable.
I was frequently visited by graduate students who were in distress after they had informed their adviser that they did not intend to pursue an academic research career. Suddenly, their adviser became less interested in them.
Many seem to think that having highly cited work and membership in exclusive academies gives them license to be dismissive of others. This is pure arrogance and ignorance.
The way to restore trust in science and higher education is by earning it. Let’s start by recognizing everyone within the scientific community as peers in the scientific quest.
https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.ado3040
The World Before Git
In this post, we trace the history of VCS, leading up to the creation of Git.
The Earliest Forms of VCS: Manual
https://osshistory.org/p/the-world-before-git
Ye, Weili. 2002. Seeking Modernity in China’s Name: Chinese Students in the United States, 1900–1927. Stanford: Stanford University Press. p. 8.
https://www.sup.org/books/title/?id=759
https://doi.org/10.1515/9780804780414
Totalism and State-Society Relations in China
These deviations from the neototalitarian model call for a rethinking of the Chinese state, especially in the context of state-society relations. In this regard, the late Tang Tsou’s concept of totalism is enlightening. Contending that regime type and state-society relations are two distinct dimensions of a political system, Tsou suggested the term “totalism” to specifically characterize state-society relations:
The basic error of the concept of totalitarianism, as it was frequently used, is that it mistakenly lumps the regime type and state-society relations dimensions together, considering them as intrinsically linked characteristics of a “totalitarian regime.” This is one reason why those who use this concept (1) do not see any possibility for radical change without a revolution and (2) cannot adequately explain changes in state-society relations that have been initiated or at least supported by those in power.Читать полностью…
面对晚清人口激增的问题,学者 汪士铎 (1802–1889)主张「计划生育」,尤其是要杀死女婴:
长治久安之策,弛溺女之禁,推广溺女之法,施送断胎冷药。家有两女者倍其赋。严再嫁之律,犯者斩决。
非富人不可取妻,不可生女,生即溺之。即生子而形体不端正,相貌不清秀,眉目不佳者皆溺之。即皆佳矣,亦可留一子,多不可过二子,三子即溺之。吃冷药使勿孕。
From housewives to students and high-ranking officials, people from all social backgrounds in China and Taiwan visit fate calculation 算命 masters to learn about their destiny. How do clients assess the diviner’s skills? How does one become a fortune-teller? How is a person’s fate calculated? The Art of Fate Calculation explores how conceptions of fate circulate in Chinese and Taiwanese societies while resisting uniformization and institutionalization. This is not only due to the stigma of “superstition” but also to the internal dynamic of fate calculation practice and learning.
Homola, Stéphanie. 2023. The Art of Fate Calculation: Practicing Divination in Taipei, Beijing, and Kaifeng. New York: Berghahn Books. https://doi.org/10.3167/9781800738126.
The Real Roots of Xi Jinping Thought
Key to Xi’s thought is pairing Marxism with Confucianism: in October 2023, he declared that today’s China should consider Marxism its “soul” and “fine traditional Chinese culture as the root.”
In The Rise of Modern Chinese Thought, his magnum opus, Wang Hui, a scholar of Chinese language and literature at Tsinghua University, returns to the late-nineteenth-century thinkers who worked to reshape Chinese philosophy.
Wang analyzes the connections between political theory and more concrete issues of governance over a millennium of Chinese history. But he notes that “explanations of modern China cannot avoid the question of how to interpret” the Qing dynasty, which ruled China from 1644 to 1912.
In one sense, The Rise of Modern Chinese Thought makes Xi’s attempted synthesis of Marxism and Confucianism seem less implausible. It has a history; serious thinkers have tried it before.
But Wang’s analysis also reveals where the CCP is going astray. The party expresses its new ideology in simplistic, brassy terms, drawing on unsubtle readings of classics and disallowing critiques.
Wang argues that the problem that bedeviled the late Qing empire was not just a geopolitical one in which other states had secured material advantages over China. It was a crisis of worldview. Scholars have long asserted that the ways in which Confucianism was applied to nineteenth-century Chinese politics had left the country sclerotic—unable to engage with modern Western ideologies such as capitalism, liberalism, and nationalism.
Chinese thought has always best contributed to China’s flourishing when it has been free and disputatious, not closed and sterile. This is the aspect of Chinese tradition that today’s CCP cannot afford to ignore.
https://www.foreignaffairs.com/reviews/china-real-roots-xi-jinping-thought
AAS 2024 Prizes
https://www.asianstudies.org/aas-2024-prizes/
列文森图书奖:
Joseph Levenson Prize (China, pre-1900)
Susan Naquin, Gods of Mount Tai: Familiarity and the Material Culture of North China, 1000–2000 (Brill)
Honorable mention: Christian de Pee, Urban Life and Intellectual Crisis in Middle-Period China, 800–1100 (Amsterdam University Press)
Honorable mention: Lawrence Zhang, Power for a Price: The Purchase of Official Appointments in Qing China (Harvard University Asia Center)
Joseph Levenson Prize (China, post-1900)
Ho-fung Hung, City on the Edge: Hong Kong Under Chinese Rule (Cambridge University Press)
Honorable mention: Joseph Esherick, Accidental Holy Land: The Communist Revolution in Northwest China (University of California Press)
Lee, Myunghee. “Authoritarianism at School: Indoctrination Education, Political Socialisation, and Citizenship in North Korea.” Asian Studies Review (2024). https://doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2023.2300631.
It is well known that North Korea uses political propaganda to elicit popular support, and this article focuses on how primary and secondary schools play an essential role in conveying the regime’s messages.
The article asks how this process shapes North Koreans’ perceptions towards citizenship and how their perceptions of ‘democracy’ differ from those in other parts of the world. School education, I argue, socialises North Koreans and shapes their everyday political attitudes and citizenship perceptions.
This study examines 32 North Korean Socialist Moral textbooks and identifies four core regime messages embedded in these texts: Personality Cult education in relation to the Kims, promoting socialism, fostering nationalism, and cultivating communitarianism and collectivism.
I propose that these regime messages positively and negatively affect perceptions of democratic citizenship. Messages that promote communitarianism can encourage North Koreans to engage in democratic politics, but messages about political leadership, nationalism, and collectivism can hamper North Koreans’ understanding of democracy and their capacity to develop democratic norms.
This study has implications for research into how North Korean defectors are integrated into democratic South Korea, suggesting that these defectors’ longstanding exposure to authoritarian education in North Korea will necessarily influence how they conceive of democracy.
【十三邀 第六季】第 7 期:许知远对话葛兆光 站在历史的远处
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fw2ECJK86Io
01:11:45 葛兆光认为,新一代历史学者做的研究题目太小、太碎,年轻的历史学者不太关心大的政治命运。他举了两个研究晚清笑话和毛皮的例子,大概是下面这两本书:
Rea, Christopher. Age of Irreverence: A New History of Laughter in China. Oakland: University of California Press, 2015. https://doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520283848.001.0001.
Schlesinger, Jonathan. A World Trimmed with Fur: Wild Things, Pristine Places, and the Natural Fringes of Qing Rule. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2017. https://doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9780804799966.001.0001.
我不否认有这样的问题,但这跟研究范式相关,也与许知远所说的「对上一代的逆反」有关。另一方面,没有这些具体的物质或对象,思想从何而来?
I don’t think you (Taylor Swift) can get more famous than “foreign embassy ensures she’ll make it back in time for date night.”
https://twitter.com/ianbremmer/status/1753536390690664657
Involuntary Consent: The Illusion of Choice in Japan’s Adult Video Industry
“Involuntary consent” is ubiquitous, not only in the porn industry, but in our everyday lives. And yet modern society, built on beliefs of autonomy, free choice, and equality, renders it all but invisible.
Akiko Takeyama investigates the paradox of involuntary consent in modern liberal democratic societies. Taking consent as her starting point, Takeyama illustrates the nuances of contract making and the legal structures, or lack thereof, that govern Japan’s adult video and sex entertainment industries.
https://www.sup.org/books/title/?id=33461
在英语中,中国近代史上的人物似乎只有孙中山(Sun Yat-sen)和蒋介石(Chiang Kai-shek)两人的名字会用威妥玛拼音表示,其他人的名字都是汉语拼音。
https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/china-quarterly/information/author-instructions/preparing-your-materials
https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/journals/tcj/instruct
中国留美幼童 Chinese Educational Mission
https://zh.wikipedia.org/zh-cn/%E4%B8%AD%E5%9B%BD%E7%95%99%E7%BE%8E%E5%B9%BC%E7%AB%A5
劳东燕:
在清华法学院,读博期间至少出国交流一年,对于之前的学生来说几乎是标配,本科与硕士生期间出国交流的也不少。最近得知,愿意申请出国的博士生大幅度减少,期限也在变短。学生们似乎有很多的顾虑与焦虑,怕出国的经历影响之后的就业。不知道这只是个别院校的情况,还是比较普遍地如此。
我个人的看法是,有机会出国交流还是应该选择出去,体历一下外面的世界。过于从众,太看重短期利益,大概率是走不远的。在学生时代,多见识一下没什么坏处,对于自己的三观会有比较大的影响。这个年龄阶段出国,尚有一定的可塑性,与三四十岁工作后再出国,还是会有差异。
尤其是学法律的,很需要知道真正的法治应该是什么样子。就法治而言,有些基本的共性要求,不是一句中国特色就可随意地加以调整的。
不明白播客 第 82 期 提到了一个概念——杯水主义。维基百科介绍道,杯水主义认为爱情是不存在的,男女之间的关系可以简化为一种本能的性需求,这种需求必须在没有任何「条件」的情况下得到满足,就像喝水解渴一样。一般认为,杯水主义的提出者是苏联女性革命家亚历山德拉·柯伦泰。The satisfaction of one’s sexual desires should be as simple as getting a glass of water, often attributed to Alexandra Kollontay.
上图是几本书中关于「杯水主义」的内容:
P. 1:列宁反对杯水主义。来源:Stites, Richard. 1978. The Women’s Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilsm, and Bolshevism, 1860–1930. Expanded Edition. Princeton: Princeton University Press. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781400843275.
P. 2:中央苏区革命时期,杯水主义盛行,导致男女关系混乱。来源:黄道炫. 2011. 张力与限界:中央苏区的革命(1933~1934). 北京: 社会科学文献出版社. https://book.douban.com/subject/6984992/.
P. 3:延安时期,杯水主义逐渐消失,而代之以干部级别为基础的、由领导介绍批准的婚姻制度。来源:高華. 2000. 紅太陽是怎樣升起的——延安整風運動的來龍去脈. 香港: 香港中文大學出版社. https://cup.cuhk.edu.hk/index.php?route=product/product&product_id=2307
P. 4:普通中国人对性讳莫如深,但高干子弟对性相当开放。来源:孙隆基. 1983. 中国文化的深层结构:奴化的人. 香港: 集贤社. https://book.douban.com/subject/1965857/.