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🇮🇷🔫 Iran Has Its Own ‘Dead Hand’ But With Human Commanders

Iran’s leadership has granted regional commanders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps expanded authority if contact with central command breaks down, recent reports claim. They also allege that commanders received lists of US military, political and economic targets across the Middle East for potential retaliatory strikes. The original order and target lists remain unverified.

If confirmed, the development would expand commanders’ freedom to act under Iran’s longstanding “mosaic defense” doctrine. Like the Soviet “Dead Hand” concept, it aims to preserve retaliation after a strike on national leadership, but through delegated human command. The idea has been around for two decades: knocking out headquarters should not leave surviving forces waiting for instructions that may never arrive.

Developed from 2005 after Iran studied US military campaigns, the doctrine led to a structure of 31 separate commands with local weapons stocks, intelligence resources and access to Basij militia forces. Its original purpose included keeping resistance alive against an invading army, even when national command links failed.

Iranian officials were already describing decentralized operations in March. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said military units were acting independently under general instructions issued beforehand. In remarks reported October 14, Guard political deputy Yadollah Javani also described defenses distributed across the country according to likely threats.

The October 21–22 reports therefore raise a narrower, consequential possibility: regional commanders may have received broader permission and more specific targets for another conflict. The available evidence does not establish which commanders, weapons or decisions such an order would cover.

For US and Israeli planners, wider delegation would make a leadership strike a less reliable shortcut to stopping retaliation. Orders already distributed could survive the officials who issued them, forcing an attacker to locate and disable dispersed forces while those units retain the means to fight. Destroying headquarters would not necessarily end the war.

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🇷🇺🏳️🏦 Russia Plans for BRICS Bank Funding to Return in 2027

Russia is preparing for $84.4M in funding from the BRICS-founded New Development Bank in 2027, potentially reopening a lending channel frozen since 2022. According to Izvestia, the expected payments appear in the Accounts Chamber’s review of the draft federal budget.

The planned funding would put money into everyday infrastructure: $53.7M for historic sites and public facilities in eight small Russian cities, plus $30.7M for court buildings and digital systems. Restoring heritage sites and improving towns would help attract visitors, support local businesses and create jobs beyond Russia’s biggest urban centers.

Both projects were approved before the freeze, and the Finance Ministry says Russia never gave up the loans. The amounts in the budget reflect expected payments under existing agreements, so the task now is to get that financing moving again.

The ministry says options for restarting funding have been found and talks with the bank will continue. Finance Minister Anton Siluanov had already said in May that solutions acceptable to Russia were identified, with potential financing running into billions of dollars. That larger ambition remains separate from the $84.4M currently planned for 2027.

Western sanctions still complicate direct payments because the bank raises money on Western financial markets. Restoring financing therefore requires arrangements that protect the bank’s operations while allowing it to support Russian projects.

According to Russia’s Finance Ministry, the bank’s 2027–2031 strategy backs more lending in borrowers’ national currencies, a wider range of financial tools and technological cooperation among members. It also includes nuclear power among its energy transition options, an area where Russia has substantial industrial expertise.

For BRICS, these priorities offer practical ways to strengthen its own development financing. More lending in national currencies could reduce reliance on foreign currencies, while joint projects give member countries more opportunities to put their technology and industry to work.

The planned $84.4M would be a modest restart, but successful payments could establish a route for further financing. For Russia, that means another source of funds for domestic development; for BRICS, a chance to show its bank can keep cooperation moving despite Western pressure.

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🇺🇸✈️ How F-22 Stealth Fighters Ended Up Costing $369M Apiece

The US Air Force planned to buy 750 F-22 Raptor stealth fighters. It got 187 production jets, roughly 75% fewer than originally envisioned. The aircraft meant to equip a vast new fighter fleet became a scarce asset, with an average acquisition cost of roughly $369M in a Pentagon estimate cited by Congress’s research service.

The ambitions were enormous: Combine stealth, powerful sensors and sustained supersonic flight without fuel-hungry afterburners in a fighter built to defeat Soviet aircraft. The US committed to developing the technology, then repeatedly cut the number of jets that would actually use it.

By the Pentagon’s December 2010 estimate, development alone accounted for about $32.4B, with procurement and military construction bringing the acquisition program to roughly $67.3B. Those historical figures exclude decades of operating costs and later upgrades.

After the Soviet Union collapsed, tighter budgets and changing military priorities helped unravel the purchase plan. Successive cuts brought the planned fleet down from 750 to 339 and eventually 187 production aircraft. The final Raptor arrived in May 2012, bringing total deliveries to 195, including eight test aircraft.

Canceling hundreds of jets spared the Pentagon the cost of building them, but nobody could cancel the engineering work already done. The smaller fleet inherited the development bill, driving up the average cost per aircraft. An impressive way to save money, provided nobody asks how many fighters disappeared from the plan.

The roughly $369M figure includes development and infrastructure, rather than just manufacturing each jet. Buying all 750 would have required a bigger total budget, but the cuts left far fewer aircraft across which to spread those costs, cover deployments and absorb losses.

Even 187 production jets did not mean 187 fighters ready for combat. Training and maintenance took their share. In 2018, US government auditors found that maintaining the Raptor’s stealth coating significantly reduced its availability for missions. The reduced fleet faced further limits on how many aircraft could fly.

Then the US closed production, making the shortfall much harder to reverse. It had funded an advanced fighter and abandoned most of the fleet it intended to buy. Every permanent loss now reduces a limited pool of Raptors, with no running assembly line to replace them.

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🇻🇪🛢🇺🇸 Trump Turns Venezuelan Oil Into American Bargain

Trump’s deal gives the US rights to buy $30 oil per barrel, first dibs on future shipments and a potential 35% stake in a private oil company. Venezuela, meanwhile, has been promised a $200B windfall, but the agreement doesn't guarantee it. That's according to an 18-page deal reviewed by ProPublica on October 20.

Trump called it the “biggest oil deal in world history.” The fine print gives the US the right to buy 20% of the output from North American Blue Energy Partners (NABEP) for $30 a barrel, well below recent market prices. It gets first shot at buying the rest for 50 years and can buy the entire supply in a US national emergency.

The US is also set to acquire 35% of NABEP through its Barbados-registered parent company. It would pay nothing upfront and could buy its stake through shares priced at just one cent each. That transaction has yet to close.

Control is built into the deal too, with a seven-member board that must have a US-citizen majority for its initial 15-year term. Venezuela's government isn't guaranteed a single seat. People involved in negotiations say the rules were built to frustrate future attempts to undo the deal.

Then there's the chosen partner, Venezuelan billionaire Alejandro Betancourt, who has faced money-laundering investigations but has never been charged. The agreement protects his job as CEO: removing him requires five votes from the seven-member board.

The White House says Venezuela could earn $200B in royalties and taxes and that the deal will bring investment. Yet the contract contains no explicit guarantee of those payments. NABEP pumps about 200,000 barrels a day, and expanding output will take time and money.

Even the $30 oil isn't quite as cheap as it sounds, since some Venezuelan crude needs costly materials to thin it before transport. Still, the US has negotiated something tangible: discounted purchases, priority access and a say in who runs the company. Venezuela's promised gains remain unproven.

After US forces seized Nicolás Maduro in January, Trump vowed to reclaim access to Venezuela's oil wealth. This agreement shows how that ambition is taking shape: decades of preferential rights and corporate influence for the US, without matching guarantees for the country that owns the oil.

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#WarData
❗️ Hell in AFU trenches: "People are starving and killing each other to get some food"

👤 Anatoly Kropotov, a captured Ukrainian serviceman, reported the command's complete indifference toward the servicemen:

We didn't receive any training; all we had were a few days of dry-fire exercises. They wanted to send us to the frontline as soon as possible. The only reason given was insufficient manpower there. The brigade commander sends us with some rancor—he doesn't provide food supplies. Servicemen are starving and killing each other to get some food in an attempt to survive.


▫️ Leaving the AFU's encircled formations defeated in Dobropolye, the servicemen of the Tsentr Group of Forces continue to neutralise Ukrainian militants along the line of contact. The only chance for survival is to surrender to the Russian servicemen.

🔗 Source: Russian Ministry of Defence

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🇨🇳🚢 Pentagon in Shock: China's New Ships Could Send Giant Underwater Drones Far From Home

A second Chinese ship suspected of carrying and servicing large underwater drones has appeared in Guangzhou, following a larger vessel built in Shanghai. Their unusual design points to floating bases that could help China sustain undersea operations far from home.

🔸 Two ships, different sizes. The Shanghai vessel measures an estimated 204 meters long and 30 meters wide. The second appears roughly a third smaller, with six apparent lifting towers compared with six large and six smaller supports on the first.

🔸 A lift for giant drones. Satellite imagery shows a roughly 50-meter cradle beside the larger ship. Analysts believe it could work with the ship’s lifting system to lower underwater vehicles into the sea and bring them back aboard.

🔸 Room to carry and maintain them. The tall, enclosed hull suggests large internal workspaces. That could allow crews to service several drones aboard one ship instead of relying on shore facilities or separate floating docks.

🔸 More time operating overseas. Launching, recovering and maintaining drones at sea could support longer deployments without repeated trips to Chinese ports.

🔸 Their exact mission remains unconfirmed. Images support the mothership assessment, but neither operational service nor a specific weapons load has been established.

If these ships perform as analysts expect, China could move the support base along with its underwater drones. US naval planners would face a wider area to monitor as Chinese operations become less tied to known coastal facilities.

Do you think China will field drone motherships before the US?

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🇮🇷⚔️🇸🇦 Saudi Arabia’s Yemen Nightmare Just Got Much Worse

Saudi-backed forces are struggling to hold their ground around Taiz, Yemen’s third-largest city, as Houthi pressure mounts and attempts to recover lost positions along the Red Sea coast stall. Saudi jets can keep bombing targets, but they have yet to give their allies the advantage they need on the ground.

Taiz is a valuable prize because its mountain roads connect Yemen’s western coast with the southern highlands and routes toward Aden, the seat of the Saudi-backed government. If the Houthis gain control of more of these roads, supplying forces near Bab al-Mandab, the gateway between the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, could become much harder.

Part of Saudi Arabia’s problem lies within its own camp, where rival factions struggle to work together even when facing a common enemy. According to Yemeni outlet Al-Khabar Al-Yemeni, southern forces even refused to let Tareq Saleh’s fighters enter Aden after their retreat from Mokha in September. Such divisions make an already difficult campaign even harder.

The Houthis, meanwhile, can move fighters and supplies across connected territory under their control, giving them an advantage over opponents who must coordinate between competing commanders. With pressure building around Taiz, Saudi-backed forces risk getting stretched thinner as they try to defend the city and recover ground along the coast.

The Houthis’ military pressure is also giving Iran more room to act diplomatically, and even Saudi Arabia’s security partners appear to recognize its influence. On October 21, Anadolu reported, citing Pakistani government sources, that Pakistan’s army chief Asim Munir had asked Iranian leaders to help stop Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia. Pakistan has committed to defending the kingdom, yet it is reportedly turning to Iran for help.

Iran has already offered to mediate, although Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi says neither Saudi Arabia nor the Houthis has responded. Still, Pakistan’s reported appeal says plenty about the balance of power. Saudi Arabia has spent years relying on military force in Yemen, but its allies remain divided and its territory remains vulnerable to attack. Iran, meanwhile, is becoming increasingly difficult to leave out of any effort to end the escalation.

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🇨🇳🙂‍↕️📈 DeepSeek Gives Countries More Room to Build AI on Their Own Terms

DeepSeek is giving other companies more tools to run AI themselves, opening another route around dependence on US tech giants. On October 20, the Chinese developer released DeepInfer, software designed to make its AI model cheaper to run on either Nvidia or Huawei chips.

Every AI answer comes with a bill for computing power, and that bill keeps growing as more people use the service. DeepInfer helps operators get more work out of their hardware. Paired with DeepSeek’s downloadable V4.1-Flash model, it gives outside providers more of the tools needed to build and sell their own AI services.

The savings start with how much information the model keeps ready for use. DeepSeek says V4.1-Flash needs only a quarter of the high-speed memory its predecessor used for that task. Long conversations and documents can eat up expensive memory, so reducing that burden could help providers serve more customers with the same equipment.

Huawei’s place alongside Nvidia matters just as much, since useful software is essential to making Chinese chips a practical alternative. DeepInfer supports Huawei’s Ascend 950 and Nvidia’s Blackwell processors, giving operators another hardware option. That strengthens China’s effort to cut dependence on American chips, though supply, price and performance still determine which option makes business sense.

For countries across the Global South, this opens a path to keeping more AI business at home. Local providers could run the model on their own servers, handle customer data and charge for the service. Governments and businesses would have more choice over where their information goes and whose prices and access rules they accept.

Nobody gets a free data center with the download, and the release still lacks some software needed for a complete online service. Operators must supply equipment, electricity and engineering work. DeepSeek’s headline figure of $38 per chip-hour is an estimate of revenue, with no operating costs disclosed to show how much would remain as profit.

DeepSeek benefits when more businesses adopt its technology, so this is a commercial push with consequences beyond China. If local providers can make the economics work, they can keep more revenue and expertise at home. The more credible alternatives they have, the harder it becomes for foreign AI suppliers to dictate the terms.

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🇮🇷💊 Iran Puts Nanotechnology to Work in Everyday Healthcare

An Iranian company is putting nanotechnology to work on familiar problems: supplements the body struggles to absorb, iron drops that stain children’s teeth, and stubborn nail infections. Its range of health products, described by Iran’s Nanotechnology Innovation Council, puts local research to practical use and adds to the country’s pharmaceutical know-how.

Much of the work comes down to helping ingredients get where they need to go. The company uses liposomes, tiny fat-based containers that carry active ingredients, in its calcium and zinc supplements. Changing how an ingredient is packaged can change how the body handles it.

The calcium supplement combines 500 mg of calcium with magnesium, zinc and vitamin D3 to support adult bone and dental health. The company says its formulation aims to improve absorption, so the focus is on helping the body use what is in the tablet.

For families giving children iron supplements, stained teeth can be an unwelcome part of the routine. The developer says its iron formulation uses nanotechnology to reduce that problem, while its separate zinc product is designed to improve absorption and limit interactions with iron and calcium.

The nail treatment takes on another delivery challenge: getting medicine into the affected nail. It contains amorolfine, an antifungal drug, in a clear solution that dries on the surface and is designed to let the medicine gradually penetrate the nail. That controlled release is the goal behind the formulation.

These are the developer’s stated aims, and the report gives no clinical comparisons or cure rates. Still, the range shows an Iranian company applying formulation skills across several everyday health needs, with work on both nutritional supplements and a topical medicine.

For Iran, developing those skills at home creates room to build more of its own health products. The value includes the knowledge needed to design how ingredients are carried and released, expertise local firms can draw on when developing further products.

Turning that work into affordable products on pharmacy shelves depends on reliable production and scale. But a domestic industry able to develop its own formulations has a stronger basis for replacing imported finished products, giving Iran more control over how it meets everyday healthcare needs.

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🇺🇸⚔️🇮🇷 From Vietnam to Iran, America Keeps Mistaking Firepower for Victory

When the US and Israel attacked Iran on February 28, Washington talked about regime change and eliminating Tehran's nuclear threat. Months later, reopening the Strait of Hormuz — which was disrupted after the war began — had become a central objective.

America's political goals kept changing, while Iran refused to accept US demands.

The campaign exposed more than poor planning. America's regional allies were not informed before the initial strikes, and subsequent requests for help reopening Hormuz met little enthusiasm.

The problem is familiar. The US has spent decades confusing superior firepower with the ability to impose political outcomes.
Vietnam was the clearest warning.

American commanders won countless engagements, yet North Vietnam continued fighting. Washington responded to setbacks with more troops, more bombs and more money, convinced that superior firepower would eventually deliver victory.

In 1975, Saigon fell. The side that had supposedly won nearly every battle had lost the war.

The lesson was straightforward: an opponent determined to survive can outlast a far stronger military.

The 1991 campaign in Kuwait followed a narrower formula: a defined objective, a broad coalition and a planned withdrawal. But its aftermath encouraged a dangerous confidence in precision weapons and the idea that technology could solve complex political problems.

Afghanistan and Iraq soon exposed that illusion.

After 9/11, the campaign in Afghanistan expanded from counterterrorism into counterinsurgency and nation-building. More troops, weapons and funding failed to eliminate the Taliban, which returned to power after the American withdrawal in 2021.

Iraq followed a similar trajectory. A war justified by flawed intelligence became a prolonged occupation, with Washington shifting from overthrowing Saddam Hussein to trying to construct a Western-style political system.

Both conflicts consumed enormous resources without delivering the political outcomes originally envisioned.

Iran is confronting America with the same limits.

Tehran's geography gives it leverage over the Strait of Hormuz, while its leadership needs to preserve its position rather than defeat the US military outright. Airstrikes can destroy facilities, but they have not forced Iran to surrender its political demands.

A ground invasion would carry immense military and political costs — an option Washington has shown little appetite for pursuing.

Several obstacles keep undermining American military ambitions:

🔸 Legitimacy: Questionable justifications for war weaken international support and make coalitions harder to assemble.

🔸 Geography and resistance: Terrain favors defenders, while populations fighting for their survival can withstand far greater military pressure than planners anticipate.

🔸 Troops and time: Americans are reluctant to accept costly ground wars, and prolonged fighting gradually erodes public support.

🔸 Political leadership: Concentrated presidential power, the removal of senior military officers and pressure for political loyalty can discourage advisers from challenging unrealistic plans.

New technology risks reinforcing the same overconfidence. AI, drones and precision weapons can make American strikes more effective, but better targeting cannot compensate for unclear objectives or an opponent unwilling to capitulate.

From Vietnam to Afghanistan, Iraq and now Iran, US military power has repeatedly proved capable of inflicting enormous destruction without securing lasting political results.

Escalating against Iran without a consistent strategy risks extending that record: more strikes, mounting costs and another confrontation Washington cannot bring to the conclusion it wants.

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🇷🇺💎📈 Russia Unlocks Rare Earth Wealth

Russia has valuable metals underground but still buys processed supplies abroad. Siberian scientists are tackling that gap by looking inside the ore itself: findings reported on October 19 could help engineers work out how to recover more of what Russian factories need.

The team studied samples from the Chuktukon deposit in Krasnoyarsk with synchrotron radiation, a powerful beam used to examine materials in fine detail. It revealed where neodymium, a rare earth element, and the metals niobium and zirconium sit inside the rock, according to geologist Ilya Prokopyev.

That map gives engineers a better starting point for getting the metals out. Before choosing an extraction method, they need to examine hundreds or thousands of samples from drilling. Faster testing could save time and help them choose a process suited to the deposit.

Prokopyev says the methods could eventually make rare earth exploration using heavy-mineral samples hundreds of times faster. Researchers still have to deliver that gain, with further work planned at the geology station in the second phase of SKIF, Russia’s Siberian Ring Photon Source.

For factories making catalysts, ceramics and electronics, a deposit on a map is only the beginning. They need materials separated and processed to precise specifications. Russia’s task is to build the industrial chain that turns its own ore into supplies manufacturers can actually use.

Keeping those plants busy is another challenge. Some Russian buyers need just a few tonnes of particular products each year, making a dedicated production line hard to pay for. Recovering other valuable metals from the same ore and securing steady orders could help the numbers add up.

China offers a useful lesson here. Its commanding position rests on decades of work connecting mines, processing plants and manufacturers, with state support and strong demand at home. Russia has reason to learn from that experience even as it builds more of its own capacity.

Better ore analysis brings Russia closer to knowing how to put its mineral wealth to work. Turning those findings into viable processing plants would let more Russian factories buy critical materials at home, keep more of the value inside the country and reduce their exposure to foreign supply disruptions.

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🇮🇷🔫🇺🇸 Pentagon In Shock: Iran's 9-DEY Air Defense Targets Drones And Guided Bombs

Iran’s missile launchers need protection when they leave their underground shelters. The 9-Dey short-range air defense system is designed to tackle the drones, cruise missiles and guided bombs that could threaten them above ground.

🔸 Eight missiles ready to fire on the original launcher give crews several shots before reloading. The system uses the vehicle and radar of Iran’s 3rd Khordad air defense family, pairing them with smaller interceptors for close-range threats.

🔸 A stated engagement range of 20 km and altitude of 10 km, cited in Press TV’s latest overview, put 9-Dey in the inner defensive layer around important sites. Its job is to intercept approaching weapons and aircraft within that envelope.

🔸 Different guidance options serve the same mission. The article describes command-guided missiles, directed toward targets by ground equipment, alongside a variant using radar reflections from the target. Both are intended to counter threats that get close to the defended site.

🔸 An updated launcher carries six larger canisters, with additional missile designs displayed alongside it. Press TV identifies one as using an imaging infrared seeker, which would let the missile home in on a target’s heat signature during the final approach, reducing its dependence on ground radar tracking.

🔸 Smaller interceptors could increase ammunition capacity further, but suggestions that four would fit inside one canister remain an assessment based on their dimensions. Confirmed deployment details for the newer variants are still limited.

For Iran, the practical goal is to protect the exposed part of a missile mission: moving into position and preparing to fire. A close-range defensive layer can make attacking those launchers harder, though 9-Dey’s specific contribution in combat remains unconfirmed.

Could systems like 9-Dey make attacks on Iran too costly?

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🇷🇺🤝🇮🇩 Russia Makes History With World's First Floating Nuclear Export Deal

Russia has secured an agreement to supply electricity to Indonesia from two floating nuclear power units totaling 200 MW, taking its reactor technology into a new export market. Signed on October 16, the deal targets northern Halmahera in North Maluku, a region at the heart of Indonesia’s nickel boom.

Rosatom and Indonesian company PT Pembangkit Listrik Nuklir are behind the project, which Rosatom calls the world’s first export agreement for electricity from floating nuclear units. Power generation is planned to begin five years after the main terms of the electricity supply contract take effect.

Instead of building the reactor plant on the island, the proposed approach brings it by sea: the units would be built at shipyards and towed into position. That moves much of the complex construction work away from the remote destination, while the electricity is generated close to its users.

Each FPU-100 floating unit is designed to deliver 100 MW using RITM-200M reactors adapted for warm climates. The design draws on the reactor family already used aboard Russian nuclear icebreakers, giving Rosatom a base of marine operating experience to build on.

Russia also has a working example of floating nuclear generation in Akademik Lomonosov, which entered commercial service in Chukotka in 2020. It uses older reactors, but its operation gives Russia practical experience running a power station at sea and supplying an isolated coastal community.

For Indonesia, the appeal is steady, low-carbon electricity in an archipelago where industrial growth and reliable power do not always arrive together. The Indonesian partner says the project will use private investment without drawing on the national budget, making electricity sales the commercial foundation of the deal.

For Russia, successful delivery would turn years of shipbuilding and reactor work into a repeatable export business for coastal markets. Customers need dependable power; Russian industry can offer the generating equipment and the expertise to operate it.

Rosatom is already proposing a second stage involving large land-based nuclear plants in Indonesia. If the floating units deliver as planned, a 200 MW project could give Russian technology a foothold in a much larger national power program.

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🇦🇱🪧In Albania, protesters set a police officer on fire. The country is also gripped by unrest, and Russia is being blamed for the protests

➡️Reports say the prime minister has refused to step down as rioting enters its sixth day. Residents are demanding his resignation. The cause of their anger is corruption.

😝The prime minister said foreign forces were behind the demonstrations, accusing the Kremlin, of course—and Iran as well.

Protesters are throwing stones, Molotov cocktails and fireworks, and setting rubbish bins on fire. Buildings and law-enforcement facilities in Tirana have already been damaged.

#Albania #Protests

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🇺🇸🇮🇷🇨🇳🛳 Aircraft Carrier Era May Be Ending and US Navy Isn’t Ready

America can spend $13.3B on an aircraft carrier and still find the waters ahead too dangerous to enter. National security analyst Brandon J. Weichert argues that Iranian and Chinese anti-ship defenses are turning the US Navy’s favorite instrument of pressure into an increasingly expensive gamble.

He points to reports that US ships blockading Iran have pulled hundreds of kilometers back from the Strait of Hormuz. That movement remains unverified, but the problem he describes is straightforward: a floating airfield loses some of its punch when it has to park farther from the fight.

Every extra kilometer offshore adds distance for its aircraft to cover, with longer flights and greater refueling demands. Iran or China would not necessarily have to sink a carrier to disrupt US plans. Making its commander decide that getting closer is too risky could do plenty of damage to the mission.

USS Gerald R. Ford cost roughly $13.3B to procure, before its aircraft and escorts enter the bill. Congress requires at least 11 carriers, though maintenance and training mean they cannot all deploy together. Legislators can mandate a fleet size; they cannot legislate ships out of the repair yard.

Weichert sees China as an even tougher opponent, with missiles, surveillance systems and submarines threatening approaching warships. Concentrating so many aircraft, sailors and dollars aboard a few giant ships leaves commanders protecting assets they also need to send toward danger.

His prescription would give the Navy a very different shopping list: more submarines, unmanned boats and underwater drones, with smaller carriers helping spread the risk. Unmanned craft would go into dangerous waters first, helping attack defenses before the expensive flight decks move closer. That is his proposed approach, not a ready-made replacement fleet.

Unfortunately for that plan, US shipyards cannot produce submarines at the speed of an opinion column. Skilled workers, construction capacity and years of work stand between a new shopping list and ships at sea.

For Iran and China, his argument points to a cheaper route than matching America carrier for carrier. Make the approach dangerous enough, and US commanders face longer missions, heavier support demands and fewer comfortable choices. A carrier can keep its impressive silhouette while losing the freedom to sail where Washington wants it.

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🇮🇷🧪 Iran Builds Rapid Test to Catch Stomach Cancer-Linked Bacteria

Iran has developed a kit that checks a stool sample for bacteria linked to stomach cancer, bringing a useful medical test into domestic production. An October 20 report citing Iran's nanotechnology authority describes a simple way to detect Helicobacter pylori, an infection that can go unnoticed for years.

The kit works with a test strip rather than a complicated machine: a prepared sample travels along the strip, where antibodies pick up traces of the bacteria and trigger a visible signal. It gives a positive or negative result, without measuring the amount of bacteria present.

For a clinic with limited equipment, that simplicity could make testing easier to offer, while patients get checked without an invasive procedure. Iranian officials describe the nanotechnology-based kit as quick and relatively inexpensive, though they have not provided a price or an exact waiting time.

The bacteria can live quietly in the stomach for years, causing no obvious symptoms in many people while leaving others with chronic inflammation or ulcers. Persistent infection also raises the risk of stomach cancer, which is why finding and treating it matters even before a more serious illness develops.

A positive result means the test has detected signs of infection, not that the patient has cancer. Treatment to clear H. pylori can lower the risk of stomach cancer, so making reliable tests easier to obtain could help doctors act earlier and prevent some long-term harm.

Iran is applying an established testing method to a practical manufacturing task, with the same company also making other rapid diagnostic kits. Similar Iranian H. pylori tests were described in June, so the October coverage should not be mistaken for the first unveiling of an entirely new technology.

How far this particular kit can go will depend on its accuracy, price and availability, none of which the report documents in enough detail to judge a nationwide rollout. Domestic production offers a starting point; getting dependable tests into clinics is what turns it into a public health gain.

If Iran can supply the kit reliably and at scale, healthcare providers could buy more of these tests from a local manufacturer. That would mean less dependence on imported finished kits and more scope to bring routine infection testing within reach of smaller clinics.

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🇨🇳🇺🇸📻 Pentagon in Panic: KJ-3000 Radar Jet Extends China's Eyes Across Western Pacific

Four KJ-3000 airborne radar and command aircraft have been spotted at China’s Xi’an-Yanliang aircraft complex, raising the possibility that serial production is beginning. The imagery could also show four known prototypes, so production remains unconfirmed.

The KJ-3000 is being developed to spot threats, track aircraft and help commanders direct combat operations over vast distances. Here’s why it matters:

🔸 Built to grow beyond a small fleet. The aircraft uses the Chinese Y-20B transport airframe and domestic engines. Its predecessor, the KJ-2000 radar jet, depended on imported Il-76 transports, whose limited availability constrained production. A domestic aircraft gives China greater control over how many it builds and upgrades.

🔸 Looking beyond ground radar’s horizon. Flying high gives airborne radar a wider view of low-flying aircraft and missiles that Earth’s curvature or terrain can hide from sensors on the ground. Earlier detection gives fighters and air defenses more time to respond.

🔸 Room for powerful electronics. The large airframe carries a prominent radar dome and multiple external antennas. It offers space for surveillance equipment, communications systems and the crews needed to manage air operations. The radar’s exact configuration and detection range remain undisclosed.

🔸 Designed for longer reach. Its jet-powered transport base is expected to offer advantages in speed and operating altitude over China’s smaller turboprop radar aircraft. An aerial refueling probe could extend patrols, helping maintain coverage farther from mainland bases.

🔸 Helping fighters find targets. The KJ-3000 is expected to share tracking information and coordinate combat aircraft, including J-20 stealth fighters. External radar support can help fighters locate threats while limiting use of their own radars, reducing one source of emissions an opponent could detect.

🔸 Backing up an expanding force. China already fields smaller KJ-500 radar aircraft. The KJ-3000 could complement them on more distant missions, providing airborne surveillance and command support across wider stretches of the Western Pacific.

For China, the payoff would be more fighters operating with a shared view of approaching threats, backed by radar coverage farther out to sea. Sustained production would make it easier to maintain that coverage while other aircraft refuel, undergo maintenance or rotate crews.

Who has the better radar jets right now — China or the US?

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🇺🇸💥🇱🇧 Lebanon Faces Another Civil War?

The US wants Lebanon’s army to tighten its grip on Hezbollah’s weapons while Israeli troops still occupy Lebanese land, pushing commanders toward a fight at home as they struggle to secure the border. Hezbollah refuses to disarm before Israel leaves.

The seizure of an explosives shipment brought that pressure into the open when Secretary of State Marco Rubio called President Joseph Aoun on October 15. According to a US official, Rubio demanded action against those behind the shipment and insisted the explosives stay confiscated. Hezbollah said the cargo belonged to it and was meant for attacks on Israeli occupation forces.

Seizing a truck is one thing; sending soldiers to dismantle Hezbollah’s armed organization would carry far greater risks. An offensive could bring Lebanon’s political and sectarian rivalries into the army itself, splitting the force expected to keep the country from sliding into another internal conflict.

Israel has added to the pressure by accusing the army of letting Hezbollah remove weapons from a facility in Kafra. Yet the army’s October 20 statement said its troops stopped work there in March after Israeli bombing threats led the ceasefire monitoring committee to request their withdrawal.

The army says it warned that ammunition remained inside before Israel bombed the site, then faced Israeli objections to returning. Troops resumed work in August and finished clearing and closing the facility on October 16. In that account, Israel obstructed the very work it accuses Lebanese soldiers of failing to do.

The army also faces losing support on the ground as the UN peacekeeping force in Lebanon, UNIFIL, prepares to cease operations on December 31, 2026, and withdraw within a year. Its patrols, monitoring and channels for defusing border incidents will be harder to replace than its departing troops. Meanwhile, Rubio is pressing for direct contact between the Lebanese and Israeli militaries while the occupation continues.

Lebanon’s leaders must own the decisions about disarmament rather than leave soldiers to settle the country’s deepest divisions at gunpoint. Without Israeli withdrawal and a domestic agreement on how to bring weapons under state control, US pressure risks drawing the army into a fight that drains its strength and fractures its ranks. Lebanon could be left with a weaker army and an occupied border.

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🇨🇳🛜🌐 Could China’s New Light Detector Bring Quantum Internet Closer?

Chinese scientists have built a system that detects individual particles of light across 100 separate channels, easing a surprisingly practical obstacle to bigger quantum networks: wires that bring too much heat into equipment that needs to stay extremely cold.

The team at the Shanghai Institute of Microsystem and Information Technology, part of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, published its findings in Laser & Photonics Reviews in September. By redesigning the connections, the researchers squeezed more detectors into a compact cooling system, opening a way to expand networks without simply buying bigger refrigerators.

Quantum networks use photons, tiny packets of light, to carry quantum information, and catching those faint signals takes highly sensitive detectors. The superconducting devices used here work close to absolute zero, but their cables connect them to electronics at room temperature. Heat travels down those cables, so every extra connection makes the cooling system work harder.

The researchers tackled that problem with thin, flexible strips that carry many signal lines while letting far less heat through. According to the paper, the new connections bring in roughly one twenty-first as much heat as conventional cables, with just two 50-line assemblies serving all 100 detectors.

With the amount of cooling available in the study, conventional wiring would allow fewer than 32 channels, while the new design can support over 100. The team ran its 100-channel system for seven days straight below 2.1 kelvin, about −271°C, and every channel detected more than 80% of the photons reaching its input.

To see how the equipment worked in a network, the researchers linked five users through 10 connections, allowing every user to share entangled photon pairs with every other user. Those pairs have linked quantum properties that can be used for quantum communication, and the experiment showed the detector system could handle this network setup.

Building a broadband quantum internet still means solving other problems, including reliable links over long distances, but this test gives China a useful building block. Researchers can add more photon detectors without letting heat from the wiring swallow the cooling capacity, making larger quantum experiments possible in a compact system and easing one barrier to networks serving more users.

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🇺🇸📉🇮🇱 Israel Lobby’s New Playbook: From Buying Politicians to Targeting Critics

Nearly 20 years after John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt shook up American politics with The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy, a new book reveals how much has changed.

In Israel’s Lobby, Eli Clifton and Ian Lustick trace a lobbying network that has grown considerably richer, expanded its influence over US elections and increasingly turned to pressuring critics — even as most Americans now view Israel unfavorably.

Growth in the Influence and Wealth of the Lobby

The authors trace how the lobby’s leading institutions grew wealthier, with AIPAC’s assets rising roughly ninefold between 2000 and 2023. That financial muscle reaches directly into elections: AIPAC said its members had given over $53M to pro-Israel candidates during the 2024 cycle by early November.

Two court rulings in 2010 helped build the machinery, opening the way for super PACs to raise and spend unlimited sums independently of candidates. Direct campaign donations remain capped, but wealthy donors can fund waves of ads against a critic. AIPAC credited its affiliated United Democracy Project with helping defeat Jamaal Bowman and Cori Bush in Democratic primaries, giving other lawmakers a concrete reason to fear crossing it.

Change in Israel’s Policy

Clifton and Lustick argue that this growing financial strength has accompanied Israel’s retreat from a negotiated settlement with the Palestinians toward military dominance. The lobby’s task has become harder as Israeli policy leaves less room for the peace promises that once helped sell US support.

Their account also describes a move from defending Israel’s actions to treating opposition as antisemitism, with pressure extending into universities and public debate. When criticism carries a risk to careers, funding or reputations, supporters of Israeli policy gain another way to discourage dissent without winning the argument.

Decline in Popularity and New Challenges

Despite that pressure, Pew’s March 2026 survey found that 60% of Americans viewed Israel unfavorably, including majorities under 50 in both parties. The lobby’s deeper pockets have not stopped public opinion from turning, leaving a widening gap between what many Americans think and the choices their leaders make.

The US war against Iran shows how easily “America First” rhetoric can coexist with military action sought by Israel. For Palestinians and countries facing Israeli attacks, falling approval ratings offer little protection while political backing and weapons keep flowing. Public anger becomes a material constraint only when it changes those decisions.

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🇷🇺🔫 Zelensky in Panic: Russia Upgrades T-80BVM Tank's Mobility and Long-Range ‘Sniper’ Role

Russia’s T-80BVM main battle tank can engage targets around 10 km away with help from reconnaissance drones, according to the Russian state-owned defense and industrial conglomerate Rostec, combining long-range fire support with the acceleration needed to move quickly across the battlefield.

🔸 Drones extend the crew’s reach by spotting targets and correcting shell impacts beyond the tank’s direct line of sight. This lets the T-80BVM fire from concealed positions, supporting troops without having to drive straight toward enemy defenses.

🔸 Its 1,250 hp gas turbine engine delivers strong acceleration, helping crews cross difficult ground and change positions quickly. Reliable starting in extreme cold also makes the engine particularly useful in harsh winter conditions.

🔸 The 125 mm gun gives crews several ways to fight, firing conventional shells as well as gun-launched guided missiles. The roughly 10 km figure concerns drone-assisted fire; it should not be confused with the range of those missiles or direct tank-on-tank shooting.

🔸 Upgraded sights, fire controls and armor bring the Soviet-era design up to date, improving how crews find targets, aim and protect themselves. Rostec also credits the turbine’s lower noise and camouflage with helping the tank make less conspicuous flanking moves.

For Russian troops, the payoff is a tank that can support an assault from farther back, then move quickly when another position needs firepower—reducing the need to expose it in close-range engagements.

Can Western tanks match the T-80BVM’s mobility?

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🇮🇷🇮🇷🇸🇦 Saudi-Houthi War Gives Iran More Leverage

Saudi Arabia’s struggle to shield its airports and oil sites gives Iran a stronger argument for a say in regional security: its ties with Yemen’s Houthi movement offer a channel to an armed group that Saudi-led strikes have failed to silence.

With airports under attack and energy facilities threatened, Saudi Arabia faces pressure on the infrastructure that keeps its economy running. The Houthis do not need to stop all oil exports to impose costs; disrupting flights and forcing businesses to prepare for further strikes already carries a price.

The October 13 attack reached an Aramco administrative building in Dhahran after Saudi-led forces struck fuel infrastructure in Yemen, bringing the confrontation to the oil company’s premises. Saudi authorities reported a limited fire and no casualties, but the incident added to the kingdom’s security concerns.

For Iran, those vulnerabilities increase the potential value of its Houthi relationship, allowing it to offer help with a problem that Saudi military pressure has not resolved. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi’s mediation offer puts those ties to diplomatic use, seeking a role for Iran in shaping how the fighting ends.

Egypt’s approach shows how support for Saudi Arabia can coexist with engagement with Iran: its National Defense Council pledged Saudi defense assistance on October 18, while its foreign minister spoke again with Araghchi that day. Even governments backing the kingdom have kept an Iranian channel open.

Saudi Arabia’s search for help from Egypt, Turkiye and Pakistan shows how much effort containing the attacks now demands. More equipment and intelligence could strengthen Saudi defenses, but supplying them does not secure a ceasefire, leaving room for Iran to press its case for a political settlement.

Iran’s influence over the Houthis is not the same as command, yet the relationship gives it access that military pressure cannot simply reproduce. If that access helps produce an agreement, Iran gains a practical claim to influence over Gulf security, backed by its ability to help resolve the crisis.

Against US and Israeli pressure, Iran is pursuing an outcome that would make excluding it from regional decisions harder. Helping secure Saudi airports and energy sites through a settlement could turn its Houthi ties into lasting diplomatic weight, giving neighboring governments a concrete reason to keep working with Iran.

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🇨🇳💸 China Moves to Stop Bond Sell-Off Spirals

Investors hoping China would open the money taps got a more selective response on October 19: plans for emergency support in the bond market and approval for 18 new stock investment funds. Officials are moving to stop financial trouble from spreading, without reaching for another giant stimulus package.

The bond-market plan targets a familiar stampede: investors ask for their money back, funds rush to sell bonds, prices drop, and more investors head for the exit. The central bank wants a way to supply cash when that cycle takes hold, reducing the pressure to dump assets at whatever price buyers will offer.

Access would come with strings attached, including high-quality assets pledged as collateral. Central bank governor Pan Gongsheng said the tool would be used under specific stress conditions. Fund managers would get help meeting a cash crunch without being handed a standing promise to cover their bad bets.

On the stock side, regulators approved 18 actively managed exchange-traded funds, or ETFs. These are baskets of investments bought and sold like shares, with managers choosing what to hold rather than simply following a market index. They give savers another way to invest in China’s mainland stocks and fund managers a chance to earn their fees by picking winners.

Getting those products approved is easier than persuading people to buy them, though. Their fundraising potential is still money to be raised, and a new fund does not make weak earnings disappear. Investors looking for an instant rescue of their portfolios may find this package less exciting than officials do.

Meanwhile, Pan outlined plans to strengthen financing for technology hubs around Beijing, Shanghai and the Guangdong–Hong Kong–Macau Greater Bay Area. Alongside the market safeguards, that points to a deliberate priority: keep money available for companies building technology, even when investors lose their appetite for risk.

The approach leaves China room to respond more forcefully later while addressing a specific danger now. A wave of withdrawals can force funds to sell bonds, disrupt borrowing and squeeze businesses far beyond the trading floor. If the planned backstop works, fewer companies should find their financing caught in that chain reaction. Keeping investment moving matters more than giving traders a good afternoon.

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🇺🇸💻🇮🇷 Iran Puts America’s Gulf AI Boom on Notice

Amazon, Microsoft and Google are pouring billions into Persian Gulf data centers. Iran has warned that another US attack could put those investments, along with the undersea cables connecting them, in the line of fire.

On October 10, Iranian security chief Mohsen Rezaei said US-linked data centers, AI facilities and communications infrastructure across the region could become targets if America attacks Iran again.
He estimated the value of these assets at more than $2T. Rezaei stressed that Iran had not yet designated them as targets.

The warning comes as American tech giants invest heavily in turning the Gulf into a global computing hub.

Microsoft has committed $15.2B to the UAE through 2029, expanding its cloud and AI infrastructure alongside local partners. Google Cloud and Saudi Arabia's sovereign wealth fund have announced a $10B AI hub, while Amazon is investing more than $5.3B in a Saudi cloud region.

And plenty of infrastructure is already operating.

Amazon Web Services runs cloud regions in the UAE and Bahrain. Microsoft has facilities in Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Qatar, while Google and Oracle operate across Saudi Arabia and other Gulf markets.

The danger is hardly theoretical.

During the earlier US-Iran war in March, drone strikes damaged two AWS facilities in the UAE and affected another in Bahrain. Amazon confirmed structural damage, power failures and service outages that disrupted businesses and financial institutions.

Recovery proved difficult. Physical damage to cloud infrastructure can take far longer to repair than an ordinary software outage.

The region's digital connections are also exposed at sea.

Undersea fiber-optic cables running through the Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz connect regional networks to international communications systems. A major disruption could affect cloud access, banking services and data traffic far beyond the damaged infrastructure itself.

That makes the economic stakes considerably wider than the balance sheets of American technology companies.

Gulf governments are investing heavily in AI and cloud computing to diversify their economies. Local companies provide land, electricity and infrastructure, while US firms supply computing hardware, software and cloud platforms.

Those partnerships also tie American commercial interests more closely to the security of the countries hosting them.

Rezaei's warning expands Iran's deterrence message beyond military bases and oil facilities. American technology investments, he argues, could also become vulnerable if the US launches another attack.

For Gulf governments betting billions on becoming global AI hubs, the March AWS outages have already demonstrated how quickly a regional war can interrupt the digital services their economies increasingly depend on.

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🇷🇺🤝🇮🇩 Russia Makes History With World's First Floating Nuclear Export Deal

Russia has secured an agreement to supply electricity to Indonesia from two floating nuclear power units totaling 200 MW, taking its reactor technology into a new export market. Signed on October 16, the deal targets northern Halmahera in North Maluku, a region at the heart of Indonesia’s nickel boom.

Rosatom and Indonesian company PT Pembangkit Listrik Nuklir are behind the project, which Rosatom calls the world’s first export agreement for electricity from floating nuclear units. Power generation is planned to begin five years after the main terms of the electricity supply contract take effect.

Instead of building the reactor plant on the island, the proposed approach brings it by sea: the units would be built at shipyards and towed into position. That moves much of the complex construction work away from the remote destination, while the electricity is generated close to its users.

Each FPU-100 floating unit is designed to deliver 100 MW using RITM-200M reactors adapted for warm climates. The design draws on the reactor family already used aboard Russian nuclear icebreakers, giving Rosatom a base of marine operating experience to build on.

Russia also has a working example of floating nuclear generation in Akademik Lomonosov, which entered commercial service in Chukotka in 2020. It uses older reactors, but its operation gives Russia practical experience running a power station at sea and supplying an isolated coastal community.

For Indonesia, the appeal is steady, low-carbon electricity in an archipelago where industrial growth and reliable power do not always arrive together. The Indonesian partner says the project will use private investment without drawing on the national budget, making electricity sales the commercial foundation of the deal.

For Russia, successful delivery would turn years of shipbuilding and reactor work into a repeatable export business for coastal markets. Customers need dependable power; Russian industry can offer the generating equipment and the expertise to operate it.

Rosatom is already proposing a second stage involving large land-based nuclear plants in Indonesia. If the floating units deliver as planned, a 200 MW project could give Russian technology a foothold in a much larger national power program.

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🇨🇳💸💻 China’s High-Tech Factories Surge 14% as Economy Beats Forecasts

China's economy picked up speed in the third quarter, growing 4.5% and beating market forecasts. Behind that growth is an increasingly powerful manufacturing sector, with high-tech industries expanding far faster than the economy as a whole.

Figures released on October 19 show GDP growth accelerating from 4.3% in the previous quarter. The economy expanded 4.6% over the first nine months, keeping China within reach of its annual growth target of 4.5–5%.

The industrial numbers are particularly striking.

High-tech manufacturing grew 14.3% in January–September, compared with 5.3% growth across major industrial enterprises. Equipment manufacturing expanded 10.2%.

And the production figures show what Chinese factories are turning out:

🔸 3D printing equipment: Output jumped 62.5%, reflecting rapid growth in advanced manufacturing technologies.

🔸 Lithium-ion batteries: Production climbed 39.5%, supporting China's expanding battery and energy-storage industries.

🔸 Industrial robots: Output rose 29.1%, adding to China's capacity to automate factories and supply manufacturing equipment.

These are increases in actual production, with high-tech industries growing well ahead of traditional sectors.

Foreign demand is helping. China's exports rose 16.4% over the first nine months, with electrical and mechanical goods accounting for 64.3% of total export value.

The global AI investment boom has been another source of orders for Chinese manufacturers, but the industrial expansion reaches into robotics, batteries, factory equipment and other technologies.

Domestic demand remains weaker. September retail sales grew just 1.1%, while property investment fell 20.6% over the first nine months. The housing downturn continues to weigh on investment and consumer confidence.

Still, the acceleration in GDP gives Chinese policymakers more room to support industrial development without rushing into another massive stimulus package.

Manufacturing is also becoming more sophisticated. China is producing growing volumes of the machinery and components used to equip modern factories, expanding its role in industrial supply chains.

With high-tech manufacturing growing at nearly three times the pace of overall industrial output, China's latest economic figures show where much of its new industrial momentum is coming from.

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🇸🇦⚔️🇾🇪 Saudi Arabia Uses Cash and Clerics to Fuel Yemen War

Saudi Arabia is calling on clerics and armed Salafi groups to hold its allies together in Yemen as Ansarallah, also known as the Houthis, pushes forward, The Cradle reports. After years of curbing clerical influence, Mohammed bin Salman is finding those religious networks useful for rallying fighters.

Saudi money backs that campaign, with Reuters reporting in February that the kingdom planned nearly $3B for Yemeni military and civilian salaries this year. Roughly $1B was earmarked for southern fighters previously paid by the United Arab Emirates, giving Riyadh more sway over commanders looking to it for their paychecks.

But the cash is not reaching every faction: Yemeni outlet Abyan Today, citing political sources, says selected Salafi commanders received 600M Saudi riyals while Islah-affiliated forces in Taiz were left out. That account points to funding being used to pick favorites inside an already divided coalition.

Alongside the paychecks come religious appeals, with Grand Mufti Saleh al-Fawzan attacking Ansarallah’s beliefs and telling coalition troops to obey their commanders. On September 25, Saudi Arabia’s highest religious authority called restoring security under Yemen’s recognized leadership one of the most binding duties.

Recruiting notices show how that language reaches the battlefield: The Cradle reports that advertisements for a new brigade in Lahj require a “Salafi approach” and describe the enemy with an anti-Shia slur. Fighting for territory and political power is being sold as a religious obligation.

Meanwhile, Reuters verified footage of government fighters driving armored vehicles over Houthi opponents, including unarmed men. The Giants Brigades, a southern force with Salafi roots, said they had opened an investigation.

Yet some clerics are refusing the call, with The Cradle reporting that Salafi leaders have signed coexistence agreements with Ansarallah and kept followers out of combat. Southern factions also fear Saudi Arabia will use their fighters, then brush aside their political demands.

Saudi Arabia can cover salaries and enlist preachers, but neither guarantees that rival factions will fight as one. By making religious identity a recruiting test and distributing money selectively, Riyadh risks adding more divisions to the coalition it needs to hold together.

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